مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال هشتم شماره 4 (پیاپی 50، تابستان 1396)

After the formation of the constitutional system in Iran, the political and social conditions of Iran did not improve and the country went to chaos. The failure of the constitutional movement to establish a centralized and legitimate government and the interference of the great powers of Russia and Britain in Iran forced the Iranian intellectuals and elites to build a new Iran based on modernity and with an emphasis on modernization. Therefore, in order to guarantee the independence and territorial integrity and the establishment of national unity of Iran, they considered the Structure of an absolute government and, with the support of Reza Shah, created a modern state. Since understanding the construction of a modern state in Iran depends on the study of the political, economic and social history of the country, part of the article will be reviewed in a descriptive and historical way. The methodology of the article will also be based on historical sociology. In this paper, the role of intellectuals in the Structure of a centralized government is of particular importance. Therefore, the mentality of Iranian intellectuals under the influence of the intellectual system of modernity on the one hand, and the political and social field after the constitutional movement, on the other hand, influenced the construction of the modern Pahlavi state.

Following the World War II, common fears have been created in most European countries by two factors including the prevalence of communism and the promotion of extreme far-right. Nowadays, far-right parties with common and close intellectual foundations play roles in almost all of Europe. These include racist attitudes, the promotion of national values and nationalism, criticism of the policy of multiculturalism, opposition to the expansion of the European Union, and anti-immigration and Islamophobia. Recently, the rise of Muslim immigration in the Middle East has led to an increase in the popularity of far right parties in Europe. The present research responds to the question of whether increasing the rate of Muslim immigration to Europe in recent years and after the developments in the Middle East could lead to a strengthening of the far-right European parties? Regarding the anti-emigrant ideology and the Islamophobia of the far-right, there is a great opportunity for these parties to promote in Europe. Increasing the migration of Muslims to Europe could be known as a winning leaf to attract public opinion to exert greater pressure on Muslim immigration. The research method in this paper is descriptive-analytic using library tools.

The main question in this article is whether there is something called the return of religion? In The new Christian theology which flourishes in the context of Post-metaphysical, the death of metaphysical God has been replaced by the death of God and the divine. Thinkers such as Vattimo and caputo which to believe in Post-metaphysical God seeking to religion without religion and faith without the certain knowledge and this is what it called as "believing without belonging" and "belonging without believing". In this new situation, not dogmatic and objective philosophies, but the "weak" thought comes. On the other hand, sociologists of religion, as Berger and Casanova, talk to the de-secularization of the world and post-secularism. In This situation, religion moved from the public sphere to the private sphere and through the return of religion, public and private former boundaries are mixed.

Syria is among the countries affected by the transformations of the Middle East and North Africa in 2011. Saudi Arabia's approach as an important and influential regional actor is very important in many ways. Saudi Arabia seeks to expand its role and prevent Iran's geopolitical and ideological influence in the region. In Riyadh's view, Assad's overthrow in Damascus has weakened the resistance axis and reduced the regional influence of Iran and its containment. In this regard, Saudi Arabia regards the support and support of the Syrian opposition to its goals and interests in defining identity and in pursuit of the transformation of the Syrian political system. The main question of the research is that does Saudi Arabia pursue its approach to the developments in Syria? The hypothesis suggests that Saudi Arabia is trying to change the balance of regional power in its own favor by supporting its opponents against the Syrian political regime and overthrowing its political system, and that the sphere of influence and action of the resistance axis, and at the top of it, is the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region. The current research uses a descriptive-analytic method to examine this issue within the framework of the constructivist theory.

Security policy and literature in the information age face new and formidable challenges. The virtual weapon is a new addition to the arsenal of states. Security planners have to decipher its meaning for strategy and redefine past mechanisms based on the new situation. One of these important mechanisms that shaped successfully the strategic logic of cold war, is deterrence. Understanding the deterrence in cyberspace is often difficult because our minds are captured by Cold War images of deterrence as threatening massive retaliation to a nuclear attack by nuclear means. The analogy to nuclear deterrence is misleading. Preventing the harms in cyberspace involves complex mechanisms such as threats of punishment, denial, entanglement, and norms. Jervis once wrote about “three waves of deterrence theory” in the nuclear era. Theorizing about deterrence in the cyber era is emerging from only its first wave. Formulate an effective strategy in the cyber era, requires a deeper understanding of the multiple dimensions of deterrence in the cyber domain, but it is a mistake to see the cyber realm in isolation.

The drafting of the amendment of the constitution in the first constitution faced a crisis of religious legitimacy. In the interpretation of the constitutional scholars, the amendment contained provisions that were in conflict with the principles of the Shi'ite Faith. For this reason, they spoke of the need for amendment correction and revision to conform to sharia. The pressure of the protesting scholars forced the parliament to put the amendment legitimacy project on its agenda; for this purpose, a secondary commission was formed to the religious-rethinking in the amendment. This paper tries to examine the wanted and unwanted consequences of theoretical struggle and actions of the religious forces in order to legitimize the complement. To achieve this goal, the study will be pursued on two levels: First, the study of the religious controversy that the scholars formulated theoretically in relation to the constitutional amendment. The second is to examine the objective impact of these theoretical disputes through the analysis of the constitutional amendment text. The theoretical approach adopted to answer the research problem is Weber's theoretical logic in Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Capitalism book.